Jim Hoft, Kari Lake’s Pseudo-Trial on Maricopa County’s Election Theft

Arizona voters expect their local elections and any legal proceedings to be handled locally. That is not what happened in the 2022 midterms.

The Kari Lake lawsuit was against the Maricopa Board of Supervisors and the County Recorder. Both are Republican-controlled bodies with 5 of the 6 people registered as Republicans. The Kari Lake legal team had 2 exceptional attorneys, a 3rd behind the scenes, and a few researchers. Maricopa had a cabal of 20 lawyers and their support staff. This included teams from Perkins Coie and the Elias Law Group, both out of D.C. These Republican elected officials solicited legal help from the most notorious DNC hit squads. It’s their best chance to hide the election malfeasance. There’s no longer any doubt which team these officials are on. They hired the DNC’s den of thieves?

The Lake Team stayed in a Phoenix hotel, using a conference room as central command. They noticed the many attorneys helping Maricopa because Perkins Coie had also taken a conference room, in the same hotel. The Lake Team monitored MCTEC tabulation center cameras to keep an eye on ballots. They noticed one feed which showed a 3 hour nighttime meeting between Election Director Scott Jarrett and lawyers. GP reported on this. Jarrett was obviously coached because his testimony changed the next day at trial. Let’s review other chicanery by the judge and this legal scum representing Maricopa.

Superior Court Judge Peter Thompson did not afford Kari Lake a traditional trial. He put them on a clock. He gave both the Plaintiff and Defendants 5.5 hours each to present their case. That’s only 330 minutes. But Thompson oddly allowed any “objections” by opposing counsel to count against Lake’s time. The Maricopa DNC legal team used this gift as part of their strategy. They fought against numerous exhibits and witness questions by the Lake Team. They objected repeatedly using relevance, speculation, standing, foundation, strike statements, and so on. Maricopa had an attorney in the courtroom as a dedicated timekeeper, using a stop watch. At the end of Day One, the Lake Team used 272 minutes and Maricopa only 87.

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In one example, the Lake Team wanted to display an exhibit that had signatures. The Defendants rapidly objected citing voter privacy rights, maybe voter signatures from 2020, and so on. Within seconds the witness on the stand, Heather Honey, directly told the judge she could clarify the document. The judge refused her offer and allowed the back and forth banter from attorney’s to continue. This entire time the Maricopa attorneys knew it was just a ballot delivery document. They knew it contained staff signatures, not voter sigs. When the judge finally allowed this simple point to be made, Defendants withdrew their objection and smiled. They just chewed up 20 minutes of Lake’s time.

There were 90 court notations and filings in the 7 days leading up Lake’s Dec. 21st election trial (Evidentiary Hearing). That’s 13 per day. The Maricopa DNC hit squad filed endless motions before the trial to purposely hamper Lake’s legal team. Critical time for trial preparation had to be redirected to these filings and the court required responses. We have seen this done many times before by factions fighting to prevent the truth. We also noticed a brief was filed by former Maricopa Recorder Helen Purcell (R), along with Tammy Patrick of all people. They asked that the case be dismissed, represented by law firms from New York City and Tempe, AZ.

Purcell ran as a Republican and was voted into office as the Recorder seven times between 1988 to 2017. The last person a real Republican would politically align with is Tammy Patrick. She’s on the Board of Directors for CTCL, Senior Advisor for hard left Democracy Fund, and advocates for projects that help Democrats win elections. Patrick was the Compliance Officer for Maricopa Elections several years ago. She somehow obtained a rapid rise within top DNC factions, including a seat on Obama’s Presidential Election Commission. With 20 years running the Maricopa elections, Purcell was the perfect person to assist groups fighting AZ election fraud the last few years. But she didn’t help, and now we know why. She’s with the UniParty.

Purcell never asked the Lake Team to see their evidence, talked with their witnesses, or offered any help. She makes a fool of herself by filing her Amici Curiae Brief. She suggests complaints about election procedures should be made before the election, then cites the Maricopa Election Plan (EPM) and Training documents. The case isn’t about bad rules. It’s about corrupt officials who don’t follow them, or create new ones out of thin air. The Kari Lake case and key witnesses don’t contest the documented procedures. In fact, they provide evidence that Maricopa in many cases followed these procedures. But they DID NOT FOLLOW LAWFUL PROCEDURES ON ELECTION DAY.

Any mail-in ballots put into a drop box must be counted at the polling place, or put into secure containers with seals and counted when those bins arrive at the MCTEC tabulation center. Maricopa collected bins from various locations on election day and never counted them. The bin seals were cut and the ballots were removed. They were bundled into trays and then delivered to Runbeck Election Services to have signature areas scanned. Coincidentally on Election Day, they also stopped using the custody form that documents the number of ballots they deliver to Runbeck. Maricopa said they misplaced these. Runbeck employees state no such documents exist because they were not used on election day. This is a huge issue.

If no one records the number of ballots delivered to the vendor, then ballots can be injected at this remote vendor’s location. A Runbeck employee stated the company purposely uses non-English speaking workers. Anyone in a Penske truck could drop off a cage full of invalid ballots.

To the Spanish-speaking staff, this is just another legitimate delivery, no questions asked. These invalid ballots would get scanned and delivered back to MCTEC for tabulation. On the night of Nov. 9th, an entire day after the election, a Runbeck employee was tasked to determine the total number of ballots they received, and provide this to Maricopa. The total jumped 25,000 from the previous day and became Maricopa’s new official count, without explanation.

The USPS branded mail trays, cages, PDF ballot images, and so on are accessible weeks before election day. This provides time to build an inventory of invalid mail-in ballots. Runbeck is the first to know who voted in Maricopa, and who didn’t. Yes, they know before Maricopa. This scan returned mail-in ballots throughout the 27 election day period in batches of 10,000. Because Runbeck is integrated into the Maricopa election system, the reports on these batches include a lot of data, including Voter ID. This can provide the insight needed to flip an election, especially if monitoring new batches every day. With the right timing, it’s conceivable a cage of invalid ballots, or two, can be rolled into Runbeck on any given day.

It’s no surprise the brief submitted by Purcell mirrors the exact excuse used by Judge Thompson to dismiss some of Lake’s allegations. The judge proclaimed the significant evidence around the failed ballot signature validation was something that should be brought up before the election, not after. It’s hard to tell how much these DNC legal teams and other anti-Lake factions influenced this judge, especially behind the scenes. Most suspect it was a lot.